Partners

In 2021, we reached out to scholars who are members of the American Political Science Association to support a new organized section on American Political Economy. The response to our petition was rapid and impressive—nearly 400 signatures in a matter of weeks—and in 2022, the new APE organized section was launched.  
The purpose of the section is to facilitate and promote research in the emerging subfield of APE—the study of the interaction of markets and politics in the United States. The section facilitates panels exploring topics related to APE at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, recognizes quality scholarship in the APE subfield with awards, and provides mentorship for younger scholars working in the APE subfield.

The APE organized section overlaps with but is distinct from the Consortium for American Political Economy. It is currently co-chaired by Chloe Thurston of Northwestern University, Jacob Hacker of Yale University, and Chair-Elect Jessica Trounstine of Vanderbilt University. The leadership team includes Nate Kelly, University of Tennessee (secretary-treasurer); Daniel Galvin, Northwestern University (2024 program co-chair); Mallory SoRelle, Duke University (2024 program co-chair); Sarah Anzia, U.C. Berkeley (member of the Executive Council); and Lisa Miller (member of the Executive Council).

For more on the organized section, including how to join, please visit the section’s website.
The Consortium on the American Political Economy Junior Working Group (CAPE-JWG) is a graduate-focused online working group for PhD students and early junior faculty to discuss ongoing research projects and build community, with the ultimate goal of advancing the study of the American Political Economy (APE) within the American political science subfield.
The Consortium on the American Political Economy Junior Working Group
  • Contribute to the intellectual community of American Political Economy (APE) and related topics, including those interested in using a diverse array of methodologies and placing the US in comparative perspective
  • Provide a space for junior members of the discipline to connect, presenting the potential of finding co-authors as well as other joint research opportunities;
  • Workshop on-going research;
  • Offer a place for junior scholars to receive advice from faculty with similar interests;
  • Help mainstream APE as an intellectual project.
  • Public policy
  • Public law
  • Racial and ethnic politics
  • Historical and contemporary political economy
  • American political development (APD)
  • Policy preferences and outcomes
  • Political and economic behavior
  • Qualitative and mixed-methods research
  • Participation is open to any political science graduate student, post-docs, and junior faculty.
  • For students (and recent PhD graduates), we are especially interested in bringing together individuals from a diverse group of universities, where students have an interest in APE and related topics detailed above; these include individuals doing APE-related research at institutions outside of the U.S.
  • Although participation is online, we are interested in students who can participate regularly.
  • Meetings are held once or twice a month during the fall and spring semesters, from 3-4:30 ET on Thursdays.
  • Each meeting will feature 1-2 presentations of ongoing research, comments from a discussant, and Q&A session.
  • Once or twice during the semester, we will hold a research professionalization session featuring one or two established junior, mid-career, and senior scholars in APE.

Sign Up for Updates About the Group

Interested in presenting work? Want to stay up-to-date with the group? Complete the following form.
If you have any questions, please feel free to reach out to the co-organizers, Angie Jo, Elle Pfeffer and Jack Garigliano.
February 24, 2026 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #1: In-groups and out-groups in the American political economy

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A Political Psychology of Inequality

Presenter: Daniel Connolly (Princeton)
Discussant: John Jost (NYU)

Abstract: The high level of inequality of income and wealth across individuals, groups, and nations, is widely and credibly regarded as among the most fundamental problems facing humanity. Yet public outrage about inequality remains surprisingly limited, even among those who are disadvantaged by it. We argue that this disconnect arises from basic features of human social cognition which evolved for interpersonal interactions in small groups. The key features of social cognition are: (i) a focus on local notions of equality and equity between socially connected individuals, rather than across society at large; (ii) group identification, which directs attention to inequality between groups rather than ‘pure’ inequality across the broader population; and (iii) what we call an i-frame bias—a tendency to explain social outcomes as the product of individual behaviors. We examine how the very wealthy exploit these features of social cognition to shape the political and policy landscape.

Immigration, Prohibition, and Cultural Conservatism in the United States

Presenter: Daniel Urquijo (European University Institute)
Discussant: Max Palmer (Boston University)

Abstract: This paper studies the emergence of punitive moral legislation and its potential to catalyze broader culturally conservative changes. We posit that increasing violations of moral norms can mobilize norm-upholders to protect them through law. This mobilization, in turn, generates organizational and discursive resources that can be co-opted by members of the upholder coalition to advance their broader political agendas. We focus on the case of alcohol prohibition in the United States—a landmark victory for evangelical Protestants who sought to codify their morals into law. We argue that German and Irish immigration disrupted Temperance social order in rural America, spurring local alcohol bans as a defense against perceived norm violations by immigrants. We confirm this using a shift-share instrumental variable design. We then examine how Prohibition affected the spread of other culturally conservative movements, particularly nativism. Leveraging staggered state-by-state adoption of dry laws, we show that Prohibition significantly increased conservative voting in Congress on cultural issues, chiefly immigration, while leaving economic voting unchanged. This historical case demonstrates how moral crusades emerge to protect social order and how their success can generate broader reactionary reforms.

March 10, 2026 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #2: Union organizing and the formation of political identities

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Starbucks Workers and Intersectional Organizing as a Strategy for Union Sustainability

Presenter: Amytess Girgis (University of Oxford)
Discussant: Tamara Lee (Rutgers University)

Abstract: How can precarious workers sustain labor campaigns amid protracted union busting and hostile political economic conditions? Scholars have pointed to the importance of worker-led ‘organizing approaches’ for union revitalization, but these accounts tend to excise the role of identity-based contestation, both within and outside the workplace, in shaping and sustaining such approaches. This article traces how Starbucks workers in the U.S. developed an intersectional organizing strategy, shaped by their social identities and political values, to sustain and grow the union amid high turnover, wide geographic spread, extreme union-busting, and delayed contract bargaining. Drawing on interviews, organizing documents, and observation of meetings and actions from July 2022 – November 2025, I demonstrate that this strategy informed how workers (1) developed inclusive and motivating priorities, (2) sustained and expanded organizing capacity through mobilization, and (3) strengthened internal participation and democracy. These findings problematize portrayals of social identity as merely predisposing workers to organize and instead use identity to understand why, how, and with whom workers deploy ‘organizing approaches’ in the absence of institutionalized labor relations. Theoretically, the Starbucks case demonstrates the utility of applying a broader contentious politics framework, informed by critical race theory and intersectionality, to expand how scholars define and analyze labor contestation

The Long-Run Effects of Teacher Unionization on Citizens' Political Participation and Partisanship

Presenter: Carlos Lastra-Anadón (IE University)
Discussant: Melissa Lyon (University at Albany)

Abstract: We examine how childhood exposure to teacher collective bargaining laws shapes long-run political behavior. A long tradition of research shows that public policies generate “policy feedbacks” that influence citizens’ participation and identities. We focus on public schools as a central socializing institution and study the consequences of state laws, adopted beginning in the 1960s, that required school districts to bargain collectively with teachers’ unions. These reforms expanded workplace democracy for teachers, but may also have shaped the political development of students educated under them. Leveraging staggered adoption of duty-to-bargain laws in a cross-cohort difference-in-differences design, we estimate the long-term effects of exposure during childhood. We find that such exposure reduces adult voter turnout by roughly 2 percentage points, with effects concentrated among men. At the same time, exposure increases the likelihood of identifying as a Democrat rather than a Republican. These results show that public sector labor law generates durable feedback effects on both political participation and partisan identity.

March 17, 2026 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #3: Firm (mis)behavior in American political development

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The Political Nature of the Firm

Presenter: Marco Mari (Politecnico di Milano, MIT)
Discussant: TBD

Abstract: Political economy treats firms as institution-takers. This paper asks when American firms become institution-makers. At regional scale, institutional environments are not always settled—new industries lack governing arrangements, declining communities face collapsed order, abandoned places have lost coordination. In these vacuums, firms with sufficient capability and agency produce institutional order directly. I call this corporate statecraft. Four American cases illustrate: Terman's Stanford built Silicon Valley's institutional infrastructure; Miller's Cummins transformed Columbus, Indiana through patient capital and civic investment; Pittsburgh's corporate elite reconstructed the region after steel's collapse; Long's American Woolen is attempting to rebuild both a textile ecosystem and a distressed Connecticut community. The cases vary in orientation—open statecraft enabling broad participation versus closed statecraft entrenching incumbents—with consequences for who gains and who loses. The inquiry is conditional: when does corporate statecraft emerge? But the answer is constitutive: the capacity to produce institutional order reveals the political nature of the firm.

In the Shadow of Governmental Ownership

Presenter: Alon Jasper (Tel Aviv)
Discussant: TBD

Abstract: Governmental ownership of public utilities occupies an uneasy place in American legal and political thought. For decades, debates have focused on whether public provisioning can match private efficiency and whether it threatens the public–private boundary associated with liberty and democracy. On these terms, governmental ownership has been marginalized and dismissed as a policy option. Both critiques, however, rest on an underexamined assumption: that governmental ownership functions merely as a substitute for regulation. This Article argues instead that governmental ownership enables distinct regulatory capacities. It allows direct regulation through contracts, competition, and infrastructure, and it generates indirect regulatory effects when it operates as a credible alternative to administrative regulation. The prospect of public ownership reshapes regulatory bargaining, constraining private incumbents, administrative agencies, and even courts, while expanding the range of available regulatory tools. Using nineteenth-century railroad governance as a case study, the Article shows how keeping governmental ownership “on the table” exerted a pull-push effect on regulatory design. Efforts to avoid public ownership encouraged the development of administrative regulation, while the possibility of ownership expanded the legal imagination of regulatory experimentation. This historical dynamic remains relevant today. As interest in public options resurfaces in sectors such as healthcare, energy, broadband, and artificial intelligence, governmental ownership should be understood not as an anachronism, but as a persistent force shaping regulatory possibilities and a potential safeguard for the administrative state.

April 14, 2026 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #4: Local foundations of racialized political economies

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Anti-Black Roots of Routes: Great Migration Exposure and Contemporary Regional Transit Fragmentation

Presenter: Nicolas Florez (University of Michigan)
Discussant: Margaret Weir (Brown University)

Abstract: Why have some American metropolitan areas succeeded in developing regionally integrated public transit systems while others have adopted localist, fragmented transit policy regimes? I argue that contemporary differences in metropolitan transit coordination are rooted in how subnational elected officials responded to the postwar racial diversification of urban areas. I conceptualize the mid-century transition from privately operated to publicly governed transit as a critical juncture in metropolitan political development, during which local and state officials exercised substantial discretion over transit governance. Variation in exposure to the Second Great Migration between 1940 and 1970 served as a key differentiating force at this juncture, shaping whether officials pursued regionally integrated or locally insulated transit institutions. Using a shift–share measure of Great Migration exposure and contemporary data on transit agencies and their finances, I show that metropolitan areas receiving larger Black migrant inflows exhibit significantly more fragmented transit governance today, including a greater number of transit agencies and less coordinated allocation of local transit funding. These findings demonstrate how anti-Black racism at a formative moment in policy development produced durable institutional legacies in a fundamentally metropolitan policy.

(In)Capacity, Violence, and the the Local Roots of Mass Incarceration

Presenter: Rebekah Jones (University of California, Berkeley)
Discussant
: John Pfaff (Fordham University)

Abstract: What explains local variation in incarceration rates? While local governments play a central role in the criminal justice system, most scholarship has focused on state and federal policy, obscuring the role of counties in driving the American prison boom. This paper addresses that gap by applying leading theoretical frameworks to over thirty years of county-level penal policy choices across counties. I show that more variation in incarceration rates occurs within states than across them, underscoring the need to examine local–rather than solely state-level determinants of punishment. I revisit dominant accounts of the prison boom by distinguishing between relative changes over time and absolute levels of violent crime and prison admissions. Relative measures confirm prior findings that incarceration failed to decline alongside post-1990s crime drops, suggesting a decoupling between crime and punishment. Yet absolute comparisons reveal a different reality: in most counties, violent crime consistently outpaced prison admissions, with few ever approaching parity between the two. To explain divergent local trajectories, I examine the role of public opinion and novel measures of local capacity. Using California ballot initiative turnout data, I find limited evidence that county public opinion drove incarceration growth. Instead, original historical court statistics–capturing caseloads and law enforcement capacity–show that local capacity to respond to high levels of violence strongly predicts prison admissions as well as the nature of the response. These findings complicate the dominant over-punitive narrative, reframing mass incarceration as a product of weak and uneven local capacity-building rather than a uniform overreaction to crime decline, with important implications for understanding its distinct repressive character.

April 21, 2026 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #5: Allies and adversaries in public-private tech development

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The Political Economy of Technology Choice in Hard-to-Abate Sectors

Presenter: August Rud Jacobsen (University of California, Berkeley)
Discussant: Matto Mildenberger (University of California, Santa Barbara)

Abstract: The decarbonization of hard-to-abate sectors risks locking in high-cost, low-abatement technological pathways, slowing decarbonization and shifting transition costs from firms to the state. This paper examines how state-firm relations shape technology selection among competing decarbonization options in these sectors. It argues that these relations differ from those in more mature green transitions, where incumbents block challenger firms with superior technologies by influencing public policy. In hard-to-abate sectors, no one technology typically dominates on cost or performance, leaving no market-driven selection or targeted state support for incumbents to obstruct. Instead, technology selection occurs when incumbents coordinate investment towards a technology through corporate planning. Under this mechanism, selection is guided by the interaction between the design of state subsidy regimes and technologies’ compatibility with incumbents’ assets. The paper evaluates this argument using International Energy Agency data on EU and US hydrogen and CCUS projects, and comparative analyses of EU and US subsidies.

Quantified Progress

Presenter: Ximena Benavides (University of Georgia)
Discussant: Jacob Hacker (Yale)

Abstract: The United States leads the world in biomedical innovation, yet this scientific dominance has not translated into broad access to health technologies. Persistent barriers—from neglected disease areas to unaffordable treatments and restricted knowledge flows—coexist with decades of bipartisan policy attention. This Article examines the institutional and legal dynamics that sustain this gap. Tracing the political economy of U.S. biomedical innovation since the 1950s, the Article shows how pluralistic innovation levers have reshaped the meaning of scientific progress, revealing a stark paradox. Although taxpayer funding remains central to biomedical research, the turn toward financialized research and development has intensified, rather than resolved, access problems. Progress has increasingly been defined by commercialization metrics and investor returns rather than health outcomes. The Article proposes a cross-disciplinary governance framework that reorients biomedical innovation toward structural access as a directional principle, calling for early-stage accountability mechanisms to counterbalance financialized conceptions of progress.

May 5, 2026 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #6: Keeping balance in precarious labor markets

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AI Labor Market Transformation and Anticipatory Policy Feedback

Presenter: Paul Lendway (Stanford University)
Discussant: TBD

Abstract: Advances in AI are transforming work. As experts ranging from business leaders to economists try to predict AI’s impact on the labor market, how do these various forecasts shape political behavior? At stake is the possibility that expert labor market predictions impact important political outcomes regardless of whether the theorized changes take hold. To probe this, we run a novel U.S. sample assessing how varying forecasts surrounding the economic impact of AI on jobs shapes political attitudes. First, we show that subjects with higher populist attitudes are more likely to attribute AI-induced job losses to business elites, tech industry elites, politicians, and public policies. Second, subjects who more greatly value equality are more likely to respond to AI-induced job losses with support for increasing federal taxes on the wealthy. Finally, AI-induced job increases result in lower mass support for breaking up large companies. These results illustrate how differences in forecasts and preexisting technomoral values can condition mass responses to advances in AI on matters ranging from taxing the rich to corporate regulatory policy.

Education Reform and Small-City Labor Markets

Presenter: Antonia Gordon (Michigan State)
Discussant: TBD

Abstract: Small cities face structural barriers to economic diversification, leaving local labor markets dependent on small businesses, low-wage service work, or a single dominant industry. As residents commute to regional job centers, population decline and a shrinking tax base can further destabilize these communities. In many Rust Belt small cities, however, public K–12 education systems function as one of the largest and most stable employers. Because schools receive substantial state and federal funding—most of which is allocated to staffing—education policy plays a central role in shaping local labor markets. This paper examines how education reform policies affect labor market conditions in small cities, focusing on case studies of public-school districts in Camden, New Jersey, and Muskegon Heights, Michigan. Both communities have relied heavily on public education as a primary labor industry and have experienced major restructuring, including state takeovers, charter conversions, and school closures. The study analyzes how such reforms reshape employment patterns and broader economic stability over time.

September 20, 2023 3:00 PM

Damages Denied: The Impact of ERISA’s Statutory Design on Patients’ Access to Health Care

Authors:
Miranda Yaver
Affiliation:
Wheaton College
Discussant:
Pam Herd, Georgetown University
Despite being written primarily as a pension law, the Employment Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA) of 1974 has come to apply to the majority of employer-sponsored health plans in the United States. However, despite its health care salience in self-insured plans, it has a key statutory design feature that limits patients’ ability to access their prescribed care: it precludes damages recovery for those who have been denied health coverage, an insurance practice that is pervasive and increasing. What’s more, the law does not even necessarily guarantee the awarding of attorney’s fees if successful. A consequence is that patients from marginalized groups will be less willing to incur the costs of litigating to secure coverage for their prescribed care. The absence of litigation incentives creates perverse incentives for insurers because it makes it all the more unlikely that patients will be able to obtain legal representation, such that insurers may deny with impunity. Drawing on extant literature on path dependence and on ERISA’s history and implementation, legislative history of Congress's health care reform efforts, original data on ERISA-related litigation and bill introductions, and interviews with key legislative and executive staffers, this paper evaluates this statutory design’s persistence across moments of health care reform including the 1993-1994 health care reform efforts, the Patients’ Bill of Rights, and the Affordable Care Act, and the ways in which this can not only limit patients’ rights upon a coverage denial but reduces health insurer accountability in a manner that can perpetuate the denials themselves. (Note: This session will be joint with Alex Garlick.)
October 4, 2023 3:00 PM

‘In This House We Believe’: The Housing Crisis, Redistribution, and the Renter-Homeowner Divide among Democrats

Authors:
Sam Zacher and Amelia Malpas
Affiliation:
Yale University
Discussant:
Mallory SoRelle, Duke University
The intensifying housing crisis in America is disproportionately impacting the nation's biggest metropolitan areas. At the same time, the Democratic voting coalition has increasingly dominated these metros, as Democratic politicians have won more support from affluent, educated urban and suburban homeowners. These interacting dynamics have produced a wide gulf of housing wealth and economic precarity between Democratic renters and homeowners. Given the power of shared partisanship in American politics, does this economic divide translate into preference differences in the coalition? We argue that, indeed, Democratic renters are far more likely than homeowners to favor more aggressive state intervention to mitigate American inequality. Specifically, we show that Democratic renters are consistently more likely than homeowners to support the most left-leaning presidential candidate, Bernie Sanders, and redistributive housing policies. Democratic renters are only mildly more supportive of non-housing redistribution but are more likely to intensely demand more public housing. To support these claims, we analyze an array of survey data, including data on a real-world ballot proposition and original data measuring preference intensity. These findings carry implications for the contemporary politics of metro-area housing, the Democratic Party politics of redistribution, and the interaction of economic interests and political identities. (Note: This session will be joint with Marco M. Aviña and Marcelo Roman).
October 18, 2023 3:00 PM

Computer Science Education and Skills for the Digital Economy

Authors:
Nora Reikosky
Affiliation:
University of Pennsylvania
Discussant:
Jesse Rhodes, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Through President Obama’s Computer Science For All and other vocationalized educational policy efforts aimed at “21st Century Skills” and "career readiness," proponents of schooling for work suggest various national crises and social, political, or economic problems related to inequality may be resolved or avoided. Increasingly, career readiness at the K-12 level involves the advancement of STEM and CS curriculum. These policy efforts often target districts serving poor and racially minoritized students to develop technical skills for future work, while aiming to minimize persistent poverty (Greene, 2021). This paper asks how a mainstream emphasis on developing “skills for the 21st century” through computer science (CS) curriculum was developed as a mechanism for achieving “career readiness.” Relatedly, it investigates the political actors and coalitions are that are responsible for advancing the parallel objectives of career readiness and expanded CS education, working to understand how they discursively articulate and advance their aims. I investigate the relationships between NGO, corporate, and philanthropic actors in relation to the state as a persistant alliance devoted to education toward economic ends. I examine public and private advocacy efforts for expanding CS education across all levels of elementary and secondary education, particularly those originating at the federal level during and following President Obama’s administration. I consider these efforts alongside human capital education reforms, analyzing the role of private actors in advancing expanded CS education. I theorize the ways these efforts undermine political equality and democratic institutions and conclude with mechanisms to mitigate these risks.
November 1, 2023 3:00 PM

Owning The Green Grid: The Political Economy of Renewable Energy Policy Design in the U.S. States

Authors:
Josh Basseches
Affiliation:
Tulane University
Discussant:
Sam Trachtman, UC Berkeley Goldman School of Public Policy
My book 'Owning the Green Grid' offers a new account of why U.S. state-level climate and renewable energy policy is so variable in its environmental strength, and so similar in its distributive qualities: namely, in all cases, costs are shifted from utilities to ratepayers. While the political science literature generally highlights the importance of partisanship and energy economy in explaining policy variation, my book centers a new, political economy explanation of variation in policy design. I argue that a key, underappreciated factor is the structure of the electric utility sector because it informs the policy preferences of investor-owned utilities, which are the single most influential interest group actor when it comes to shaping policy design. Drawing on seven state-level case studies of states that vary in partisanship, energy economy and electric sector structure -- and that together house one third of the U.S. population -- I analyze legislative and regulatory texts, more than 16,000 pages of archival material, and transcripts from more than 200 policy-focused interviews to argue that, while partisanship and energy economy may be the primary factors leading to a state’s decision to adopt these policies, it is the structure of the electric utility sector that is the most important factor in how they are ultimately designed.
November 15, 2023 3:00 PM

Credit, Checks and Covid: The Role of Credit in Exacerbating (or Alleviating) Unequal Pandemic Outcomes

Authors:
Grace Beals
Affiliation:
Cornell University
Discussant:
Rhea Myerscough, Butler University
Americans received three stimulus checks of an unprecedented size between April of 2020 and March of 2021. These checks were designed to incentivize citizens’ consumption during the COVID-19 pandemic and, as a result, to mediate the effects of the economic downturn. Concurrently, multiple states increased their regulation of subprime credit products and payday loans in particular. This suggests the following question: what are the implications of credit (in)access for other policy interventions? I hypothesized that access to subprime credit would decrease the stimulus checks’ impact on indebtedness (i.e., with access to payday lending you see a larger jump in indebtedness, despite the stimulus checks). As an initial test of this argument, I use various models, including a fuzzy regression discontinuity in time design (RDiT), to assess the impact of the stimulus checks on debt-to-income ratios across distinct credit regulatory environments. I find that states where payday lending was legal during the pandemic saw a smaller jump in their debt-to-income ratios than states where payday lending was illegal, though this pattern is reversed when I use a larger threshold around the cutpoint. These results suggest that credit mediates existing policy interventions. (Note: This session will be joint with Angie Jo.)
November 15, 2023 3:00 PM

Varieties of Crisis Response: Welfare Regimes and Emergency Fiscal Spending on COVID-19

Authors:
Angie Jo
Affiliation:
MIT
Discussant:
Alexander Reisenbichler, University of Toronto
Welfare regimes differ significantly in their design and generosity in normal times, but systematic differences in their response to large crises remain understudied. This paper examines a puzzling relationship between baseline social spending and discretionary fiscal response to COVID-19: countries empirically cluster by welfare regime (Esping-Andersen 1990), rather than welfare state size, government partisanship, or fiscal capacity. In particular, Liberal states vastly overspent on the crisis, relative to their own baselines and other low-spenders, while Social Democratic states underspent. I theorize three supply-side factors to explain the outsized Liberal response: i) Liberal governments inherit weak institutional infrastructure for aid transmission, which inflates volume through inefficiency; ii) Liberal governments must bargain with conservatives to deliver temporary relief policies that are designed to disappear; and iii) Liberal market economies rely on credit and consumption-based growth. These factors favour broad-based cash transfers over alternative policies, causing a short-term “spike” in fiscal spending in Liberal countries, whereas Social Democratic states “smooth” their spending across normal times and crisis times. I use regression, principal components analysis, and case studies of the United States, Germany, and Denmark to illustrate how their everyday welfare states come to constrain and complement their menu of options in crisis. (Note: This session will be joint with Grace Beals.)
February 8, 2024 3:00 PM

Power asymmetry in the US labor market and its impact on political participation

Authors:
Jack Garigliano
Affiliation:
Northwestern
Discussant:
Laura Bucci (St. Joseph's University)
Research on political participation in the United States has long pointed to the workplace as an important site for developing skills and confidence that facilitate engagement in civic and political affairs. Yet the United States is noteworthy for the proportion of its workforce that has no formal channels for participating in workplace governance. Even more, there is evidence that the public-private nature of the US welfare state discourages those dissatisfied with their working conditions from searching for a better job. How, then, does a person’s lack of control over their working conditions inform their confidence in themselves as a political actor, and how does this impact their political participation? To explore this understudied question, I study the shock to working conditions brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic. Using both difference-in-difference and cross-sectional designs, I examine how personal efficacy and political behavior responded to the pandemic differently depending on how one’s working conditions were affected. Further, I show how welfare policies mediated this relationship by demonstrating the effect of state-level policy differences on changes either to people’s working conditions or to their ability to leave for a different job. Based on this study, I point to the importance of worker power in the labor market in informing patterns of political participation. (This will be a joint session with Max Kagan.)
February 22, 2024 3:00 PM

Death, Taxes, and Family: How Information Shapes Attitudes Towards the US Federal Estate Tax

Authors:
Patrick Sullivan with Kattalina Berriochoa
Affiliation:
Konstanz
Discussant:
Lucy Martin (UNC)
The U.S. federal estate tax affects a tiny and declining fraction of the nation’s richest individuals. However, even in an era of increasing wealth inequality, attitudes towards policy reforms such as lowering the exemption amount remain mixed. While self-interest considerations have been investigated as one avenue that influences support, another may be found in the increasingly political debate surrounding implications and potential reform measures of the tax. Advocacy groups and politicians, for instance, have cultivated numerous frames and arguments painting the estate tax as an unfair form of double taxation, a threat to small farms and family businesses, and a policy that infringes on family rights. In this paper, we examine the relative role of these competing frames to disentangle the information that shapes individual policy support and opposition. Using a randomized survey experiment, we deploy a battery of experimental treatments to examine the impact of providing information about individual tax liability, harm (and no-harm) to families, farms, and business, and the case of double-taxation to measure post-treatment policy preferences. With these randomized information provisions, we aim to highlight the importance of misperceptions about socially-oriented considerations, that likely alongside self-interest, determine who and under what conditions Americans support or oppose reforming the federal estate tax. (This will be a joint session with Eric Scheuch.)
April 25, 2024 3:00 PM

The Company Town: Private Power and Public Governance in a Fragmented Polity

Authors:
Brian Highsmith
Affiliation:
Harvard
Discussant:
Alexander Sahn (UNC)
This paper explores the consequences of structural corporate power for local democracy in the United States, particularly as mediated by jurisdictional fragmentation and policy devolution to under-resourced local governments. By qualitatively examining the various forms of local governance in several historical “company towns,” I suggest that spatially-concentrated property ownership has facilitated the private domination over public life within non-diverse regional economies. Classic labor histories have documented the oppressive employment relationship in these planned communities—including payment in scrip, regular threats of eviction, obstacles to unionization, and employer surveillance of private affairs. But few accounts have examined company towns as local governments: a legal means of achieving an effective merger between the public functions of local governance and private domination of the workplace. This paper aspires to (1) identify the sources and contours of this form of power, developed in part through brief historical case studies; (2) highlight the relationship between this form of power and jurisdictional boundaries, through the interactions between economic geography and jurisdictional fragmentation; (3) discuss the consequences for theories of local democracy, including by developing a set of normative recommendations for fiscal/regulatory federalism design. (This will be a joint session with Rebekah Jones)
September 26, 2024 3:00 PM

Party Lines or Voter Preferences? Explaining Political Realignment

Authors:
Nicolas Longuet-Marx
Affiliation:
Columbia
Discussant:
Patrick Egan (NYU)
This paper addresses how to disentangle demand factors (voters) from supply factors (politicians) in shaping political outcomes, focusing on the recent realignment of blue-collar voters away from left-wing parties. I develop a multidimensional political equilibrium model to evaluate the roles of demand- and supply-side factors in the U.S. educational realignment between 2000 and 2020. On the supply side, I estimate candidate positioning using a multimodal text-and-survey model from campaign websites, finding that candidate polarization on cultural issues has been twice as large as on economic issues. On the demand side, I build a new panel of precinct-level election results and identify voter preferences from congressional district border discontinuities. Using a model of political competition where candidates balance electability against compliance with the party line, I show that House candidates’ ability to adapt their positions to their constituents has been divided by three. The paper shows that realign- ment is driven mainly by changes in party positioning — particularly parties’ stronger polarization on cultural than economic issues — rather than by shifts in voter preferences. Finally, I simulate support for counterfactual environmental positions, revealing that progressive environmental policies involving economic rather than cultural measures would attract more support from less-educated voters. (This will be a joint session with Daniel Goldstein.)
September 26, 2024 3:00 PM

The Weight of Precedent: Parties, Institutions, and Executive Norms

Authors:
Daniel Goldstein (University of Oslo), with Collin Schumock (Jacksonville University)
Affiliation:
Discussant:
Sean Gailmard (UC Berkeley)
Political executives often adhere to informal traditions established by their predecessors. Without the backing of formal laws, elites have incentives to violate norms, particularly if doing so yields a political advantage. When do constraining executive norms carry weight and when do they falter? We examine an infinite horizon principal-agent model to analyze the maintenance of executive norms. We first consider a model which is played only between the executive and their party. This model demonstrates the importance of intra-party accountability in the maintenance of norms, as well as the role that differences in patience can play in willingness to violate norms. Next, we consider an expanded model with two parties and two executives. This shows how expectations over the actions of other political parties shape the willingness to violate norms when in-office. The insights from the models are used to categorize types of executive norms and their relative fragility. We also chart the trajectory of one executive norm in-depth: the two term tradition of the American presidency. Overall, the study holds implications for how informal institutions regulate executive behavior and for understanding the interplay between informal and formal institutions. (This will be a joint session with Nicolas Longuet-Marx.)
March 11, 2025 3:00 PM

Institutionalized Repression in US State Prisons: Labor as Political Control over Incarcerated People's Political Activities

Authors:
Alison Boehmer
Affiliation:
UC-San Diego
Discussant:
Noah Zatz (UCLA Law)
While political science is increasingly interested in the political correlates of the U.S. carceral state, insufficient attention has been given to imprisoned people’s political experiences and actions while incarcerated (see, however, e.g., Burton 2023, Berger 2014, Lerman & Weaver 2014). This leaves a shortage in understanding not only how imprisoned people navigate, survive, and challenge the authoritarian prison context, but also how the prison manages, responds to, and controls such political activities to maintain its interests. Here, I focus on the relationship between coerced labor and repression in US state prisons, asking "(How) do prisoncrats change the landscape of prison labor in response to political actions by imprisoned people?" To study this relationship, I collect over 450 unique political actions by imprisoned people from 1990-2019, and merge this data with the BJS’ Census of State Adult Correctional Facilities, modeling how political activity in tn-1 relates to job type changes at the prison in tn. I find that previous political activity by imprisoned people is significantly related to changes in the presence of facilities maintenance, agricultural, and public works jobs. Specifically, political actions are associated with an increased likelihood that prisons add facilities maintenance jobs and remove public works jobs. I support, enrich, and complicate these findings through analysis of semi-structured interviews with people who are formerly imprisoned, as well as a case study of California state prisons. (This will be a joint session with Isabella Cuervo-Lorens.)
March 25, 2025 3:00 PM

Institutional Incentives or Group Conflict? The Emergence of Public Participation in Bureaucratic Agencies

Authors:
Joseph Warren with David Foster
Affiliation:
University of Alaska, Anchorage
Discussant:
Mike Ting (Columbia)
Central to administrative policymaking in the United States are myriad opportunities for public participation. Many of these procedures, including mandatory public hearings, advisory committees, and citizen lawsuits, were established or codified in the 1970s. Focusing on this substantively important case, we explore broader differences between “institution-based” and “group-based” approaches to institutional development by presenting two formal models. The first (institution-based) model revolves around a strategic problem facing the overseer of an agency given incentives arising from the institutional structure. The second (group-based) model focuses on actors predominantly outside of government, rather than politicians, and their perceptions of institutional alternatives. We relate each model to historical scholarship. Both yield insight, but the group-based approach illuminates a wider range of historical phenomena, elucidating connections between participatory reforms, labor union decline, and the Democratic Party’s turn toward business interests. We recommend greater attention to the group-based approach in formal theories of political development. (This will be a joint session with Nicholas Ottone.)
September 30, 2025 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #1 - Professionalization Panel on Publishing

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Please join the CAPE-Junior Working group for our first meeting of the new academic year! We will be hosting a professionalization panel on publishing books and articles as junior scholars, featuring the following editors:

  • Gabe Kachuck (Acquisitions Editor, Politics) of Oxford University Press
  • Philip Rocco (Marquette) of Publius: The Journal of Federalism
  • Julie Rose (Dartmouth) of the American Political Science Review

Each editor will share some information and advice for publishing at their journal or press, and there will be plenty of time for audience Q&A.

October 14, 2025 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #2 - Political Development of Economic Norms

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The Political Economy of Tipping: Norms, Inequality, and Institutional Change in the United States

Presenter: Karina Alpayeva (UC-Riverside)
Discussant: Timothy Weaver (University at Albany, SUNY)

Abstract: This project investigates why tipping became institutionalized in the United States but remained marginal in the United Kingdom, despite both being liberal market economies. I argue that tipping in the U.S. emerged as a response to global economic pressures, neoliberal labor reforms, and weak union resistance—allowing employers to shift wage burdens onto consumers. Legal frameworks like the tipped minimum wage and strong tipping norms further reinforced this system. In contrast, the U.K. maintained stronger wage protections and weaker cultural support for tipping. Using comparative historical analysis, process tracing, and typological theorizing, the project develops a theory of when and why societies adopt informal wage supplements like tipping. Drawing on legal records, union documents, economic data, and cultural discourse, the research contributes to debates on labor justice, informal institutions, and the political economy of wage-setting.

The Origins of Financial Citizenship: Savings Banks, Thrift, and State-Building in Nineteenth-Century United States

Presenter: Ayelet Carmeli (MIT)
Discussant
: Katherine Rader (University at Albany, SUNY)

Abstract: How were working-class Americans first integrated into the financial system? This paper traces the rise of savings banks in early 19th-century Northeast U.S., established by social reformers to encourage thrift among the working poor. These institutions offered safe, interest-bearing accounts to promote self-help and reduce reliance on poor relief. The paper follows their development and state endorsement through special charters and regulation, culminating in the Reconstruction-era Freedman’s Savings Bank—a project that extended saving opportunities to the formerly enslaved but operated under far looser federal oversight than state-chartered mutual savings banks, leaving it vulnerable to mismanagement and collapse. By embedding savings within a broader project of moral reform, these institutions laid foundations for a welfare model based on conditional inclusion rather than redistribution. The paper develops the concept of “financial citizenship,” in which access to savings is framed as both a right and a duty, and shows how international and inter-state institutional diffusion shaped early U.S. state-building.

October 21, 2025 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #3 - Perspectives on Administrative and Economic Burdens

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The Burden of Inflation and Incumbent Support Across Income Groups

Presenter: Shria Pallati (University of Missouri)
Discussant: Amber Wichowsky (University of Wisconsin-Madison)

Abstract: How do voters across different income groups provide incumbent support in US Presidential elections when inflation is their most important problem? In the 2024 US Presidential election, a staggering 96% of voters for Donald Trump claimed inflation was important for their vote, compared to 79% of Kamala Harris’ voters. It is typically argued that high-income voters will rank inflation as their “most important problem” due to stress over depreciating assets and savings. However, I posit that low-income voters will show greater concern over inflation than their high-income counterparts due to inflation’s disproportionate effect on inelastic goods, such as food, that represent much of their expenditure, the makeup of their asset profiles, and a lower level of economic literacy. Thus, low-income voters are more likely than high-income voters to punish candidates perceived to be responsible for their most important problem. I empirically test this using a linear probability model and a sample of US voters drawn from the Most Important Problem Dataset (MIPD).* I show that, indeed, low-income voters are more likely than their high-income counterparts to prioritize inflation as their most important problem and, consequently, punish the incumbent at higher rates. This issue is particularly salient for policy evaluation and as a relevant campaigning tool. By challenging assumptions about income groups in existing theory, this study provides a novel perspective on the propensity of economic voting for them. It also sheds light on the responsiveness of an electorate to the economy, supporting a natural extension of economic voting theory.

The Hidden Inequities of Medicare Choice: Burden, Barriers, and Coverage Discontinuities

Presenter: Miranda Yaver (University of Pittsburgh)
Discussant: Andrew Kelly (California State University, East Bay)

Abstract: Medicare enrollment is notoriously complex, and Abaluck and Gruber's seminal (2011) analysis of prescription drug coverage highlights that not only do many seniors choose their plans incorrectly, but this can be costly. Seniors are confronted with a host of decisions: original versus privatized Medicare (Medicare Advantage, where there is an average of 43 plans from which to choose) and if the former, whether to enroll in Medigap (10 plans) and Part D (average of 14 plans). This places substantial health literacy demands (which are unevenly distributed) at a time of not only greater health needs and diminished income, but also, potentially, cognitive decline. Consequently, this is a natural setting for examining health insurance enrollment barriers through the lens of administrative burden, or the experience of policy as being onerous, and resulting inequities. When one chooses a suboptimal plan, they may face greater health costs, leading to care postponement or medical debt. Drawing on a new nationwide survey of 1,964 seniors, I examine the administrative burdens experienced by seniors enrolling in Medicare plans, the extent to which their plan choices align with their priorities amid problems of choice overload, and the extent to which coverage barriers through prior authorization and related denials (which likewise demand health literacy to remedy through appeal) lead to discontinuities in coverage (and in turn, care) for seniors, especially seniors from margininalized backgrounds. The paper then offers solutions for how to better promote equitable access to health care for America's seniors.

November 4, 2025 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #4 - Public and Private Goods in the APE

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Private Markets, Racial Politics, and Delegated Authority: Social Rented Housing in the United States, 1960-1980

Presenter: Jacob Loewenberg Ball (Rutgers University)
Discussant: Discussant: Jessica Trounstine (Vanderbilt University)

Abstract: This study examines the transformation of American social rented housing during the 1960s and 1970s, a period when lawmakers and federal officials from both parties advanced policies embedding private interests into low-income rental housing. By the 1970s, these privatizing reforms interacted with the Nixon administration’s push to limit federal fiscal responsibility and delegate authority to state and local governments, curbing an expanding subsidized rental supply and reinforcing racial inequalities. Initially, a shift toward increasing reliance on private housing embedded market logics into the policies of low-income housing provision. Subsequently, despite the enactment of fair housing legislation, federal devolution intensified the spatial politics of inequality. This bolstered white suburban communities’ ability to limit in-migration of lower-income, often racial and ethnic minority households. Ultimately, this research asks how and why American housing policy prioritizes exchange-value over use-value and examines the distributional consequences of this emphasis.

Uniquely Captured Regulators? Investor-Owned Utilities and Business Power Over American Electricity Policy

Presenter: Joshua A. Basseches (Tulane University)
Discussant: Sandeep Vaheesan (Open Markets Institute)

Abstract: Investor-owned electric utilities (IOUs) occupy a unique and essential space within the American political economy. They are for-profit, monopoly corporations providing an essential public service. In this paper, I develop four characteristics of this industry that I theorize, in combination, make it uniquely able to capture its regulators. I then use the case of the distributive politics of renewable portfolio standards in five U.S. states to illustrate how IOUs combine these four characteristics in order to prevail over competing political actors in every case, irrespective of variation in state context. I conclude with a comparison to other industries which share some, but not all, of the four characteristics in order to further illustrate the “uniqueness” of IOUs while also suggesting that lesser degrees of capture are still highly likely in these other industries. My findings have implications for both American electricity policy and for the study of business power generally.

November 18, 2025 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #5 - Crime, Vice and Capacity in the APE

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Taxation at the Edges of Morality: How Tobacco Retailers Respond to Negative Public Good Provision

Presenters: Simone Paci (Stanford University) and Julian Gerez (UC Irvine)
Discussant: Discussant: Isaac William Martin (UC San Diego)

Abstract: Why do excise taxes exhibit chronic compliance gaps even in high-capacity states? We argue that vice taxes invert the fiscal contract: rather than funding valued public goods, revenues are earmarked for programs—cessation campaigns, inspections, enforcement—that directly harm retailers’ business interests. We call this dynamic negative public good provision. To examine compliance under these conditions, we partner with the California Department of Tax and Fee Administration (CDTFA) to conduct the first large-scale randomized controlled trial of excise inspections in the United States. Random assignment of inspections across ~30,000 licensed tobacco retailers is paired with baseline and follow-up surveys measuring deterrence, compliance costs, social norms, and fiscal contract mechanisms. The design provides causal evidence on inspection effects, heterogeneity across compliance paradigms, and spillovers within retail networks. Findings will advance theories of tax compliance and inform cost-effective enforcement strategies in sin-tax domains, with implications for both revenue collection and public health policy.

December 9, 2025 3:00 PM

CAPE-JWG #6 - Lobbying and Business Power

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Natural Disasters, Workers' Attitudes, and Companies' Political Behavior

Presenter: Giulia Leila Travaglini (Columbia University)
Discussant: Amanda Kennard (Stanford University)

Abstract: This paper examines how managers’ preferences for green energy influence corporate political behavior in the U.S., focusing on lobbying and campaign contributions related to environmental policy. Using a novel dataset that links natural disaster exposure, used as a proxy for changes in perceptions of climate risk and green energy, with managers and fossil fuel companies headquarters political activity at the county level, the paper preliminary results indicate that polluting firms, especially those in Democratic areas, hide their political behavior on green energy and environment related policies after disasters. While from visual evidence it looks like managers in fossil fuel firms tend to shift campaign contributions toward Democratic politicians following climate shocks, these firms do not adopt explicitly pro-climate lobbying positions. Instead, they engage in more ambiguous political strategies, with implications for regulatory feedback and the broader politics of climate adaptation.

Relocating Right, Lobbying Left: Firm Relocation and Lobbying for Social Inclusion

Presenter: Junwoo Suh (UC Berkeley)
Discussant: Max Kagan (Columbia University)

Abstract: Many private corporations across diverse sectors and countries of origin have lobbied Congress on legislation that promotes LGBTQ rights. Existing studies imply that the high costs of lobbying, diffuse benefits, and non-excludable outcomes of social policy would deter firms from lobbying on issues such as federal legislation on LGBTQ rights. What motivates firms to attempt to influence legislation on civil rights and liberties like the Equality Act and the Respect for Marriage Act? I argue that firms in industrialized economies face dual objectives, of minimizing production costs and having access to talent. In this trade-off, firms choosing to locate in lower-wage and lower-regulation regions (Relocating Right) may lobby for the advancement of civil rights in those regions (Lobbying Left) in order to attract and sustain talent. This study shows how workers' labor market leverage, firms' production costs, and cross-regional social policy heterogeneity jointly shape firms' decision to lobby politicians for civil rights protection.

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